north carolina

North Carolina woman confronts neighbor flying Nazi flag outside home

http://www.timesofisrael.com/north-carolina-woman-confronts-neighbor-flying-nazi-flag-outside-home/

 

A woman from North Carolina posted a video of herself on Tuesday confronting a neighbor near the town of Mount Holly who was flying the Nazi flag outside his home.

Page Braswell, 44, said she was driving in the area and spotted the swastika flag outside the residence after first seeing photos of the memorabilia on social media. She said she didn’t know the neighbor before the incident but that both live in the same city.

Braswell told the Charlotte Observer that she thought, ‘What? This is my town,’ and went out looking for the flag.

In the video, Braswell walks into the driveway asking “Hey! What’s up with the Nazi flag?”

The neighbor, who gave his name as Joe Love, proceeded to get angry and confrontational and told Braswell that it was none of her business and that she should leave.


“What’s that flag got to do with you?” Love said in the heated exchange. “Do you make the payments on this fucking house?”

Braswell said no and again asked why the Nazi flag was hanging outside the home.

“Where do you live? What kind of flag do you fly?” Love asked her, to which she responded that she flew the “rainbow flag, thank you.”

“So what does that tell me about you?” Love asked, to which Braswell retorted that it meant she’s “not a Nazi.”

Love then said he’s not a Nazi either but that “this is Nazi fucking America.”

Increasingly agitated, he told Braswell to “get your ass in the car and get the hell on out of here,” proceeding to call her a “queer” and a “lesbian” and a “bitch.”

When Braswell kept pressing, asking if the election of Donald Trump was having an effect, he pointed his finger at her and said: “If you don’t get the hell out of here, me and you are gonna have trouble, I promise you.”

Braswell posted the video on social media with the caption: “Share far and wide; let’s run this Nazi out of town. For real.” Her post received over 100,000 views and was shared thousands of times.

In subsequent media interviews, Love said he hung the Nazi flag after three Confederate flags he had put up were stolen.

“I put three different flags out here [before], which were all Confederate flags,” he told the Gaston Gazette. “Every one of them got stolen. I put this one up, nobody wants it.”

He also denied that the display of the flag meant he identified as a Nazi or subscribed to Nazi beliefs, arguing that the swastika “used to be a religious symbol in India until Hitler got ahold of it.

“I agree with the symbol as it started out as a religious symbol. But as far as backing Hitler and being a white supremacist and Hitler, I’m not into that,” he told the Gaston Gazette.

The paper reported that Love said he would take down the flag and put up another Confederate flag instead.

Braswell said she did not regret the exchange.

“There’s no reason I can’t be brave for two minutes,” she told the Charlotte Observer. “If people are [hanging that flag], we need to call it out. If we don’t, it’s just going to get worse.”

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Did a Nazi Submarine Attack a Chemical Plant in North Carolina?

It’s a sizzling July day at Kure Beach. Kids in bathing suits walk barefoot along Fort Fisher Boulevard; moms and dads lug lawn chairs to the sand…

(Via)

Motels with names like “The Hang Ten Grill” and “The Salty Hammock” bespeak a chilled-out lifestyle in this summer community, located 15 miles south of Wilmington, North Carolina.

But just down Atlantic Avenue, a narrow four-block-long road from Kure (pronounced “Cure-ee”) Beach Fishing Pier, an old seaside cottage bears witness to a time when things weren’t all sunshine and Cheerwine along the Carolina coast. It was here on a July night in 1943 that a German U-Boat supposedly surfaced and fired shots at a factory complex located a half-mile off shore. If the incident actually occurred—and many believe it didn’t—it would have been the only time the East Coast of the United States was attacked during the Second World War.

“It’s a tradition among the old timers on Kure Beach that this happened,” says John Gregory III, who along with his sister, now owns a shorefront cottage built by his grandparents in the late 1930s. “It wasn’t just because my grandparents saw it, but lots of other people at the time, too.”

The now infamous story that Gregory’s grandmother told him goes like this: On the night of July 24, John E. Gregory Sr. and his wife, Lorena, both of whom would have been in their mid-50s at the time, were sitting on the porch in their rocking chairs (one of the chairs is still on the porch. It’s John’s favorite place to sit and admire the view.) Everything was swathed in a darkness accentuated by the blackout curtains that houses had hung to make the coastline less visible. (Civil authorities had imposed blackouts to hide the profiles of merchant marine ships from lurking U-Boats.)

The waters off the Carolinas had been swarming with U-Boats since the United States entered the war in December, 1941. The enemy fleet had collectively inflicted enormous damage to merchant shipping along the East Coast and elsewhere in the first six months of the war. By the summer of 1942, however, a combination of improved Allied intelligence, stronger coastal defenses, including anti-submarine technologies and air reconnaissance, and the all-important implementation of the convoy system, had weakened the U-Boat force.

This is the U-85, the first U-boat sunk by the U.S. in WWII. It was sunk of Nags Head, NC on April 14, 1942 in action with the USS Roper with the loss of all hands. (NC Maritime Museums)

Off the North Carolina coast alone, four U-Boats had been sunk in the summer of 1942. In his 2014 history The Burning Shore, military historian Ed Offley wrote that the U-Boats had concentrated their efforts along the Carolina coast for its relative safety; the U.S. had not yet organized a coastal defense system. “In July 1942,” he wrote, “that was longer the case.”

But those advances against the Germans weren’t readily apparent to the Gregorys or any other civilians along the coast. Military patrols “along the beach were still a common sight and a nighttime curfew was in effect. Suddenly, as the couple gazed out on the water, a spotlight just off shore bathed their porch in blinding light. It moved to the left, then to the right, scanning the beach. Then they heard what Lorena would describe as “artillery fire,” before poof! The light went dark.

“The whole thing happened in a minute or two,” says John Gregory, recounting the story his grandmother told him. “They just sat there petrified. There was nothing they could do. There was no phone in the house back then, so they couldn’t call anybody.”

The next morning, a number of neighbors said they’d also seen the light, or heard the firing. John Sr. sought out a military officer at the nearest command post to tell them what they’d witnessed. “The response was, `Nothing happened. You didn’t see anything,’” says John Jr. “But my grandparents and their neighbors knew what they saw…it was a German submarine.”

When Wilbur Jones, a local historian with a special interest in World War II-era Wilmington, came to see John Jr. about the matter in 2015, Gregory was happy to share the tale with him. Jones, a retired U.S. Navy captain, grew up in Wilmington and was a child during the war. Now 83, he is the author of two memoirs about life in the city during the war years, including A Sentimental Journey: Memoirs of a Wartime Boomtown (2002).

A boomtown it was: During the Second World War, Wilmington was one of the great “Arsenals of Democracy.” The North Carolina Shipbuilding Company employed about 21,000 people during the war years. In their massive Wilmington shipyards, they produced the so-called Liberty Ships, cargo vessels that hauled all kinds of freight (and later, troops) and became a symbol of American industrial might. According to Jones, by mid-1943, construction time at NCSC for a single, 441-foot long, 10,800-ton Liberty Ship—from keel-laying to delivery—was about 30 days. A wartime commission headed by then-Senator Harry Truman had found the Wilmington operation one of the most efficient in the entire country.

There were other important military installations in and around the city, including the Ethyl-Dow plant, which extracted bromine, a component of aviation fuel, from seawater. The facility—a partnership between Dow Chemical and the Ethyl corporation—employed 1,500 people.

“That plant was one of just a couple in the U.S. that was producing the compound for aviation gasoline,” Jones said. “It was an important part of the defense industry in Wilmington at that time.” And, he adds, it would have been a high value target to the enemy, and its where many locals, the Gregorys included, thought the artillery fire was directed.

In the mid-1990s, when Jones began researching his memoir, he interviewed another man who had worked at the plant and claimed to have heard the whistling of the shells that night (which, the man pointed out, not only missed the factory but exploded harmlessly over the nearby Cape Fear River).

“We think [the shells] are still there, along the bank,” says Jones. He also read accounts and interviewed witnesses who said that the lights of the NCSC shipyard were turned off that night from roughly midnight to 5:30 a.m.—a drastic move at an around-the-clock operation, and probably the only time the plant shut down during the entire war.

After consulting other records and historians, including a 1946 report in the Raleigh News and Observer quoting eyewitness accounts from a chemist at the plant that night and the commander of the local Coast Guard Auxiliary, he reached his conclusion: “I think it’s very possible that a lone sub was operating here for intelligence,” Jones says. “They realized they had an opportunity to do something, so they did.” He hastens to add, “I’m not going to swear on a stack of Bibles, but all common sense and circumstantial evidence points to this.”

Jones gave considerable space in his book to the views of those who believe the attack never took place, foremost among them another retired Navy officer and Wilmington resident named David Carnell, now deceased. In a letter to Jones, Carnell—who had done his own research—dismissed the attack as “mythology.”

Jerry Mason, a retired U.S. Navy pilot whose website is widely recognized as a definitive source of information on the German submarines, agrees. “It’s highly unlikely,” he says. He bases his naysaying on his work with both the National Archives and WWII scholars in Germany, as well as his extensive set of U-Boat logs. Mason says that according to these records, by July 1943, there was only one submarine operating off the coast of the Carolinas—U-190—and its commander, Max Wintermeyer, was known for being cautious; a sensible posture for a U-Boat skipper at this point in the war.

Additionally, Mason says, the U-190 logs suggest the ship was far from Kure Beach that night and mention nothing about shelling the coast on that night in July, 1943. “Doing so on his own initiative would have been highly unusual,” he says, “because shore bombardment was a special task normally approved at the highest level of command.” Indeed, he points out, using deck guns to fire upon land was used rarely after a failed attack upon an oil refinery in Dutch-held Aruba resulted in missed targets and the gun exploding in the face of its operators.

Other experts—while stopping short of saying they believe the attack took place—argue that an attack by a lone wolf sub on a random, but symbolic, target is not something that should be completely ruled out. (It should also be noted that, Mason’s records show two other U-Boats entered North Carolina waters that same week).

Among the personal pictures found among the belongings of the ill-fated submarine crew is this image of U-85 taken sometime before her fourth and final war patrol (War Record of the Fifth Naval District, 1942),  To the right is a photograph by Brett Seymour of the National Park Service’s Submerged Resources Center, taken from a similar viewpoint in 2009, which shows a possible penetration of the pressure hull from USS Roper’s gunfire. The wreck of U-85 is considered a war grave by both the United States and Germany. (Courtesy the National Oceanographic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA))  

“Is it possible that a U-Boat commander would sneak up as close as he could, take a couple of pot shots and hope he gets lucky?” asks Joseph Schwarzer, director of the North Carolina Maritime Museum System. “Yes, it’s possible.”

A maritime archaeologist, Schwarzer has done extensive research on the U-Boat war along the Outer Banks, about 300 miles up the coast from Wilmington. There, enemy activity was most intense. “The German U-Boat commanders were pretty brazen in a lot of cases,” he says.

Richard MacMichael a historian with the Museum of the Atlantic in Halifax, Nova Scotia, concurs. “U-Boats sank ships just outside Halifax and New York Harbors,” he said. “So it’s not outside the realm of possibility that a submarine might be looking at targeting places along the East Coast, even later in the war.” And the fact that the story of the Kure Beach incident didn’t emerge until after the war isn’t all that surprising, he says. “If that submarine did pop up to say `Hi’ off Wilmington in July, 1943, well I’m not surprised if someone said ‘We don’t want this released,’” says McMichael. “You can imagine the panic. It would have been something they would have wanted hushed up.”

If what the Gregorys—and apparently many others—saw off the coast of Kure Beach wasn’t an enemy submarine, what else could it have been? And why did the NCSC go dark that same night?

Carnell believed it was a false sonar reading that caused the shutdown. But unless some hitherto-unknown documents turn up or fragments of German ordnance are someday fished out of the Cape Fear River, the argument may never be settled to everyone’s satisfaction. Regardless, John Gregory—who maintains that what his grandparents saw was an enemy vessel—believes the history here should be well-known to Kure Beach visitors. He has put up a historic sign about the incident in front of his cottage to educate the public about the alleged U-Boat sighting, as well as the realities of wartime life in this now-idyllic seaside retreat.

“Hundreds of people walk by here, all summer long,” a resident said. “And they have no idea that this was once a war zone.”

North Carolina Pride organizers promise ‘solution’ so Jews can attend parade set for Yom Kippur

(JTA) — Organizers of North Carolina’s gay pride parade and festival said they would find a solution following complaints from the Jewish community about the event being scheduled for Yom Kippur.

“We’re going to solve that no matter what it takes,” organizer John Short told The Herald-Sun on Thursday. “Exactly how we’ll solve that we don’t know.”

Short said the Durham Pride parade’s volunteer organizing committee had Jewish members but it still had not realized the scheduling conflict. He added that “all the Jewish community will be able to attend” the event.

“We’ll develop a solution that will be able to be carried over in the future,” Short said.

Organizers had apologized for scheduling the parade for Sept. 30 but did not change the date. They said the parade has been held on the last Saturday of September for the past 17 years.

The Jewish community had expressed disappointment and anger at the scheduling of the parade for Yom Kippur.

“It’s another example of our calendar not being respected,” said Adam Organ, executive director of the Raleigh-Cary Jewish Community Center. There are about 15,000 Jewish households in the Raleigh area.

Several Jewish groups have marched in the parade in recent years.

Carolina Jews for Justice said in a statement: “No group of people, Jewish or otherwise, should have to choose between our LGBTQ identities and the other identities that are important to us and shape our lives.”

The conflict comes on the heels of an incident last month at the Chicago Dyke march in which three Jewish women were asked to leave over their Jewish Pride flags, which include a Star of David in the center of a rainbow flag. Organizers said that the stars could be interpreted as support for Zionism, which they reject.

Republican North Carolina judge resigns — and slams the GOP on the way out

In a dramatic response to a power-grab by Republicans in the North Carolina legislature, a Republican judge resigned today to circumvent efforts to strip power from the Democratic governor.

The Charlotte Observer reports that following today’s surprise resignation by Republican Judge J. Douglas McCullough, Democrat John Arrowood was sworn in. Judge McCullough worked as a staffer for Senator Harrison Schmitt (R-NM) before being appointed by President Ronald Reagan as United States Attorney in the eastern district of North Carolina.

Since Democrat Roy Cooper was elected Governor of North Carolina last fall, the Republican Legislature has gone to great lengths to strip his office of power. Yet with a three-sentence resignation letter this morning, Judge McCullough has proven that not all Republicans are willing to go along with shenanigans by legislative Republicans.

North Carolina has a mandatory retirement age for judges. To prevent the Democratic Party governor from appointing replacements for Court of Appeals judges nearing forced retirement, the Republican Legislature passed a bill to shrink the size of the court from 15 to 12 judges — thereby denying the Democrat of three scheduled appointments.

The legislation was vetoed on Friday, but a successful veto override was expected later tonight.
However, before the legislature could vote to override Governor Cooper’s veto of House Bill 239, Judge McCullough resigned 36 days prior to his forced retirement. This allowed the appointment of Judge Arrowood at 9:45 a.m. this morning.

“I did not want my legacy to be the elimination of a seat and the impairment of a court that I have served on,” Judge McCullough explained.

Newly sworn-in Judge John Arrowood is the first openly gay member of the North Carolina Court of Appeals.

N.C.A.A. Ends Boycott of North Carolina After So-Called Bathroom Bill Is Repealed

GLENDALE, Ariz. — The N.C.A.A. on Tuesday “reluctantly” lifted its ban on holding championship events in North Carolina, removing its six-month-old prohibition less than a week after the state’s Legislature and governor repealed a so-called bathroom bill that had led to boycotts of the state.

The organization, which governs college athletics, said in a statement that the law’s replacement in North Carolina had “minimally achieved a situation where we believe N.C.A.A. championships may be conducted in a nondiscriminatory environment.”

The earlier law, known as House Bill 2, or H.B. 2, had removed anti-discrimination protections for lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender people, and it required transgender people to use bathrooms in public facilities that aligned with their sex at birth. While the replacement bill bars local governments from passing their own ordinances on the topic until 2020, it left regulation of bathrooms up to the State Legislature.

The N.C.A.A.’s carefully worded statement left the door open to its continuing to make decisions on a case-by-case basis and even to retracting hosting opportunities on short notice in light of new developments — as it did last year, when it moved several championship events, including men’s basketball tournament games, out of the state. The N.C.A.A. noted that it requires prospective hosts to submit “additional documentation” — it includes a questionnaire — about their ability to protect visitors from discrimination.

At the same time, by providing a clearer blueprint of what is not and, now, is acceptable, the N.C.A.A. gave comfort not only to North Carolina lawmakers but to those in other states considering restrictions similar to those in North Carolina’s new law. In Texas, where next year’s Final Four is set to be held (in San Antonio), the author of such a proposal, known as Senate Bill 6, or the Texas Privacy Act, cheered the N.C.A.A.’s decision on Tuesday.

“I applaud the N.C.A.A. for now agreeing that there is nothing discriminatory about the Texas Privacy Act,” its author, Lois Kolkhorst, a Republican state senator, said in a statement, “or our honest efforts to address the serious issue of privacy and safety in our public facilities and school showers, locker rooms and restrooms.”

While advocates on both sides of the debate have tended to describe North Carolina’s compromise as insufficient, the state’s business community, which opposed H.B. 2 on pragmatic grounds, saw the N.C.A.A.’s decision as a high-profile vindication.

“We’re grateful to see that the N.C.A.A. has renewed its faith in North Carolina and the Charlotte region once again,” Tom Murray, chief executive of the Charlotte Regional Visitors Authority, said. “The events that the N.C.A.A. touches are far more important to our region than just the significant economic impact they inject into our community. We’re energized that we’ll be able to both partner with the N.C.A.A. and compete to host these events in the coming years.”

J. Michael Bitzer, a political scientist at Catawba College in Salisbury, N.C., said that as a practical matter, “the reluctant hesitancy but acknowledgment of North Carolina having these opportunities from the N.C.A.A. will hopefully start to smooth the waters in this state” and will, to outside businesses, act as a “signal to start putting North Carolina back on their plate of opportunities.”

Bitzer added that this was so even though the policy landscape in North Carolina remained ambiguous: The new law, he said, “certainly took H.B. 2 off the books, but it didn’t necessarily take off the policies, considering that the state still controls nondiscrimination policy.” (Republicans enjoy veto-proof supermajorities in the Legislature, he noted.)

The two sides that struck the deal last week were motivated in no small part by a desire to placate the N.C.A.A., in a state where college sports are culturally vital (and where the flagship university’s men’s basketball team won its sixth national championship on Monday night). North Carolina Coach Roy Williams and Duke Coach Mike Krzyzewski had publicly criticized H.B. 2.

Both sides welcomed the N.C.A.A.’s decision on Tuesday.

“We are pleased with the N.C.A.A.’s decision and acknowledgment that our compromise legislation ‘restores the state to … a landscape similar to other jurisdictions presently hosting N.C.A.A. championships,’ ” the State Senate leader, Phil Berger, and the House Speaker, Tim Moore, both Republicans, said in a statement.

Gov. Roy Cooper, a Democrat, said in his own statement that while “more work remains to be done,” the N.C.A.A.’s decision was “good news.”

Critics of the state’s new law condemned the N.C.A.A.

“The N.C.A.A.’s decision to backtrack on their vow to protect L.G.B.T.Q. players, employees and fans is deeply disappointing and puts people at risk,” Chad Griffin, the president of the Human Rights Campaign, said. “After drawing a line in the sand and calling for repeal of H.B. 2, the N.C.A.A. simply let North Carolina lawmakers off the hook.”

Athlete Ally also released a statement criticizing the N.C.A.A. Hudson Taylor, the organization’s founder and executive director, had said that the N.C.A.A.’s rescinding of its ban would set “a challenging precedent.”

“If the N.C.A.A. is willing to go back to North Carolina when there is still an overt lack of L.G.B.T. protections and respect under the law,” he said in an interview on Monday, “then other states looking to pass anti-L.G.B.T. legislation know they will still be rewarded with N.C.A.A. events and can go forward with that legislation.”

Advocates on the right also continued to train a cautious eye on the N.C.A.A.

“H.B. 2 was never as controversial as the media and liberal activists wanted us to believe,” said Francis De Luca, president of Civitas, which calls itself North Carolina’s Conservative Voice. He added, “We will be watching to see if the N.C.A.A.’s action matches their rhetoric.”

The N.C.A.A. is expected to begin announcing championship events through 2022 this month.

Last week, the Atlantic Coast Conference, which is headquartered in the state and had joined the N.C.A.A. in moving its neutral-site championships out of the state after the passage of H.B. 2 last year, announced that it was again open to staging such events, like its football title game, in the state. The N.B.A., which moved its All-Star Game in February from Charlotte in response to the old law, is expected to address the issue at its owners’ meeting this week.

The N.C.A.A.’s boycott of North Carolina for championship events had intense reverberations in the state. The Duke and North Carolina men’s basketball teams had to begin play in the N.C.A.A. tournament in Greenville, S.C., rather than in Greensboro, N.C., closer to campus.

An Associated Press study found that House Bill 2 could have cost the state nearly $4 billion over 12 years because of canceled events.

North Carolina Lawmakers Reach Deal to Repeal So-Called Bathroom Bill

RALEIGH, N.C. — North Carolina Republican lawmakers said late on Wednesday that they had reached a deal to repeal the state’s controversial law prohibiting transgender people from using restrooms in accordance with their gender identities.

Details of the measure were not immediately released, but it was set for a vote on Thursday morning, according to State Senator Phil Berger and Tim Moore, the General Assembly speaker, who announced the compromise in an impromptu news conference on Wednesday night.

North Carolina Jewish school evacuated after bomb threat

(JTA) — A Jewish day school in Durham, North Carolina, was evacuated after a receiving a bomb threat.

Parents of students at the Lerner Jewish Community Day School were informed of the threat by a robocall from the school on Wednesday morning, according to reports.

Video from the school showed officers using a bomb-sniffing dog while people stood outside the building, the local ABC affiliate reported.

Earlier in the day, a bomb threat was called in to the Anti-Defamation League’s headquarters in New York.

2014: Kriegsmarine U-boat Found with Ship it Sank off North Carolina

The wrecks of a German U-boat and a merchant vessel it sank in the Battle of the Atlantic have been found 30 miles (48 km) off North Carolina.

(BBC)

Researchers led by the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration found U-576 within 240 yds (220 m) of the US freighter Bluefields after 70 years. It is a “rare window into a historic military battle”, the NOAA said. The two ships met on 15 July 1942 when the German submarine attacked a convoy of merchant ships en route to Florida.

The U-576 sank the Bluefields and seriously damaged two other ships.

A US Navy Kingfisher aircraft in turn bombed the German vessel at the same time as it was attacked by the merchant vessel Unicoi.

Bluefields and U-576 were lost within minutes, the NOAA’s account of the battle says.

“Most people associate the Battle of the Atlantic with the cold, icy waters of the North Atlantic but few people realise how close the war actually came to America’s shores,” said David Alberg, superintendent of the NOAA’s Monitor National Marine Sanctuary.

“As we learn more about the underwater battlefield, Bluefields and U-576 will provide additional insight into a relatively little-known chapter in American history.”

Bluefields did not suffer any casualties during the sinking but 45 crew members were lost on U-576.

Germany’s foreign ministry appealed for the wreck site to be treated as a war grave to “allow the dead to rest in peace”.

The Ku Klux Klan says it will hold a Trump victory parade in North Carolina

One of the largest Ku Klux Klan groups in the country has announced a parade to celebrate President-elect Donald Trump’s win.

The Loyal White Knights of Pelham, N.C., says on its website that its parade will take place on Dec. 3.

“TRUMP = TRUMP’S RACE UNITED MY PEOPLE,” says the website’s front page.

No time or location for the event is listed, and a phone call to the number on its website was not returned.

The group has between 150 and 200 members and is “perhaps the most active Klan group in the United States today,” according to the Anti-Defamation League. Last year, it was part of a South Carolina protest against the Confederate flag’s removal from the state Capitol.

Several Klan groups endorsed Trump. Well-known former Klan leader David Duke, who on Tuesday lost a Senate bid in Louisiana, was also a vocal supporter.

The Trump campaign was criticized this year for initially refusing to denounce support from the Klan. Later, the campaign described the Klan’s efforts as “repulsive.”

NC Democratic headquarters attacked on same night nearby GOP office was firebombed (GOOD!!!)

Democratic officials in North Carolina have asked law enforcement to step up protection of campaign workers after Orange County offices for both the Republican and Democratic parties were targeted on the same day.

On Sunday, the Republican Party said that its Orange County headquarters was set ablaze by vandals. Graffiti found on a nearby building said, “Nazi Republicans leave town or else.”

In a message posted to Twitter, Republican presidential nominee Donald Trump blamed the attack on “[a]nimals representing Hillary Clinton and Dems in North Carolina.”

But Orange County Democratic Party Chair Matt Hughes told Raw Story on Monday that vandals had also targeted his offices in Carrboro. Both attacks were said to have occurred early Sunday morning.

According to Hughes, staffers found the words “Death to Capitalism” scrawled on the OCDP headquarters when they came into work.

“There’s a chilling effect,” he explained. “We have staff and we have volunteers who work in that office… I’m one of those folks who sometimes works late into the night in a party office and you wonder about your safety when you look at things like what happened [to the GOP office] in Hillsborough or something like ‘Death to Capitalism.’ A lot of folks see that as a threat, not even a veiled threat.”

Hughes called the two incidents “a heck of a coincidence.”

“If they are connected, it is someone who adheres to a very-far-out-there political ideology,” he remarked.