national socialism

The Difference Between National-Socialism and Fascism


There is a painting, by the French Revolutionary Jaques-Louis David, that effectively sums up the difference between fascism and national socialism. It was painted in 1789 and is titled “The Lictors Bring to Brutus the Bodies of His Sons”.

After having led the battle against the monarchy, Lucius Brutus condemned his sons to death for fighting on King Tarquin’s side. This was the beginning of the Ancient Roman Republic. Brutus showed that his loyalty was to the Roman Republic (the State), whose symbol was the fasces, rather than to his own family. Contrastingly, Germanics have traditionally always put race, blood and kinship first. A Germanic would rather have gone into exile, renouncing his political power, with his sons than to kill them for the sake of the State. Germanics were renowned for holding liberty , blood, race and kinship sacred.

A fasces refers to a bundle of rods wrapped together with an axe. It is the symbol adopted by fascism, and implies that the people are tied to the State, with the axe representing force. The idea is that, by being thus bound, the State is made much stronger.

The political ideology of fascism was formulated by Benito Mussolini in Italy post WWI. He was greatly influenced by the Roman Empire and Republic. Mussolini founded the fascist movement 1919, calling it “Fasci Di Combattimento” which means “fighting sheafs”. The idea of the sheaf was popular already with socialists, who liked the idea of the “unbreakable union“. Mussolini himself had originally been a Leftist socialist in his ideology, and was anti Nationalist – but his ideas were to undergo a dramatic change by the time he had founded the fascist movement. He became very anti-communist and a nationalist.

In the Roman Republic, and the Empire, Law took precedence over kinship, and that has always been a characteristic of fascism. The very term “King” comes from the idea of kinship. In national socialism, as with traditional Kingship, tribal cohesion is paramount. In democracy, the individual is supposed to be paramount, and, when the state comes first, you have fascism.

It is a characteristic of fascism to allow foreigners who show an allegiance to the State to become citizens. In ancient Rome, despite several wars being fought to prevent this from happening, eventually foreigners were allowed to become Romans. Similarly, the fascist States in Spain (under Franco) and in Italy were not founded on blood, race and tribal cohesion. Franco used Muslim Moroccan troops to rape women in white towns which he had identified as being sympathetic to communism.

Ever since foreigners were allowed to become Roman citizens, there has been weak racial tribalism in Italy. Patriotic feeling, and dynastic loyalty there has surely been, but the concept of race has suffered in Italy, and only truly exists as a nostalgia for the earliest period of Rome. The patriotic loyalty is to the State. Thus fascism is ideally suited to the Italian, and Southern European nations, for whom race tends to prove somewhat divisive. After a period of eugenics this situation would change.

The national socialist program was worked out by Hitler in 1919, before he had heard of Mussolini, yet he still regarded events in Italy to have been an important influence. Mussolini’s march on Rome in 1922 was Hitler’s inspiration. It showed what it was possible to achieve. Hitler, in turn came to greatly influence Mussolini, causing him to introduce racial loyalty into Italian fascism towards the end. While the two leaders had initially been hostile towards each other, with Mussolini initiating this animosity with his public speeches denouncing Hitler as a “barbarian” and even as a “pederast”, they eventually became close friends. Hitler even organized a rescue mission when Mussolini ended up in prison, after the Fascist Council had decided they no longer wished him to be leader.

From Walther Hadding’s introduction to Mein Kampf:

Hegelianism and neohegelianism justified the state as an end in itself. National-Socialism did not regard the state as an end in itself, but because the examples of Prussia and Fascist Italy loomed large at the time, it was tempting for people not thoroughly familiar with national-socialism to see it in this light (and even today it is not unusual for careless sources to mislabel national-socialism as “fascism”).

Mussolini’s Doctrine on Fascism:

“Therefore, for the Fascist, everything is in the State, and nothing human or spiritual exists, much less has value,-outside the State. In this sense Fascism is totalitarian, and the Fascist State, the synthesis and unity of all values, interprets, develops and gives strength to the whole life of the people.” From paragraph 7.

Alfred Rosenberg on the relationship of National-Socialism to Totalitarianism:

The State is only a means to an end. Its end and its purpose is to preserve and promote a community of human beings who are physically as well as spiritually kindred.”

Alfred Rosenberg:

On all these grounds it is recommended for all national-socialists to speak no longer of the total state, rather of the completeness (totality) of the national-socialist worldview, of the NSDAP as the body of this worldview, and of the national-socialist state as the tool for the preservation of the soul, spirit, and blood of national-socialism as the powerful phenomenon which made its beginning in the 20th century. “

The far Left is especially keen that the term “socialism” should belong to them, and not to the ideas of the Third Reich, so they perpetuate the term “fascism” to describe National Socialism. Stalin started this by calling the Nazis “fascists” while, oddly enough, the democratic West was keen not to confuse the two ideologies, and political analysts kept them conceptually apart. When reading about WWII events, it used to be easy to tell if the speaker or writer was inspired by communism. If he or she talked about Nazis as “fascists”, then the argument or point of view had in all probability originated in communist circles.

Confusion also arises, for the public, because both National Socialism and fascism are dictatorial and anti-democratic.


Via NS Europa


National Socialist Education Had a Lasting Effect

Even after decades of anti-German indoctrination, occupation, legal persecution, and propaganda, millions of Germans’ attitudes towards Jewish power is still healthy. 

(National Vanguard)

Areas in Germany which have traditionally been more aware of the toxic effects of Jewish behavior have passed this tradition on to the current generation to a greater degree than other areas. And those whose early education was during the National Socialist period show a lasting awareness.

Some of the language of the controlled media (Associated Press) report which follows is offensive, and they crow between the lines about how later generations have “changed” their attitudes about Jews, but the message is clear: Teaching our people, especially our youth, the truth will have an effect that transcends our personal lives and can live for centuries. The end of this story hasn’t been written yet.

Portland Press Herald:

ANTI-SEMITIC propaganda had a lifelong effect on German children schooled during the Nazi period, leaving them far more likely to harbor negative views of Jews than those born earlier and later, according to a study published Monday. (ILLUSTRATION: Youth march in Germany, 1936)

The findings indicate that attempts to influence public attitudes are most effective when they target young people, particularly if the message confirms existing beliefs, the authors said.

Researchers from the United States and Switzerland examined surveys conducted in 1996 and 2006 that asked respondents about a range of issues, including their opinions of Jews.

The polls, known as the German General Social Survey, reflected the views of 5,300 people from 264 towns and cities across Germany, allowing the researchers to examine differences according to age, gender and location.

By focusing on those respondents who expressed consistently negative views of Jews in a number of questions, the researchers found that those born in the 1930s held the most extreme anti-Semitic opinions — even 50 years after the end of Nazi rule.

“It’s not just that Nazi schooling worked, that if you subject people to a totalitarian regime during their formative years it will influence the way their mind works,” said Hans-Joachim Voth of the University of Zurich, one of the study’s authors. “The striking thing is that it doesn’t go away afterward.”

But members of the group, which was systematically indoctrinated by the Nazi education system during Adolf Hitler’s 1933-1945 dictatorship, also showed marked differences depending on whether they came from an area where anti-Semitism was already strong before the Nazis.

For this, the researchers compared the survey with historical voting records going back to the late 1890s. They found that those from areas where anti-Semitic parties were traditionally strong also had the most negative opinions of Jews.

“The extent to which Nazi schooling worked depended crucially on whether the overall environment where children grew up was already a bit anti-Semitic,” Voth said. “It tells you that indoctrination can work, it can last to a surprising extent, but the way it works has to be compatible to something people already believe.”

Benjamin Ortmeyer, who heads a research center on Nazi education at Frankfurt’s Goethe University, said the study’s conclusions were “absolutely plausible.”

“The significance of this kind of propaganda hasn’t really been exposed,” Ortmeyer said. “Compared to the brutal deeds of the Nazi mass murderers, this area of crimes, the brainwashing, was largely ignored.”

One reason, he said, is the difficulty of getting older Germans to talk about their experiences of the Nazi period. While Jews who survived the Holocaust vividly recount the abuse they suffered in school and at the hands of fellow pupils, non-Jewish Germans mostly describe their school years as peaceful and fun.

Ortmeyer said Nazi educators wove anti-Semitic propaganda into every school subject and extracurricular activity, even giving students “projects” that included scouring church records for the names of Jewish families that had recently converted to Christianity. These were later used to draw up lists of Jews for deportation to concentration camps, making students unwitting accomplices in the Holocaust.

There were some exceptions, Ortmeyer said, such as the “White Rose” in Munich and the “Edelweiss Pirates” in Cologne — youth resistance groups that formed despite the overwhelming Nazi propaganda. “Those are important examples for young people these days,” he said.

The study also noted that Germans born in the 1920s held only slightly more anti-Semitic views than those born in the ’40s — even though some in the older group would have gone to school during the Nazi era, while the younger group didn’t. The authors suggested that those with extreme views might not have survived the war, falling victim to their own enthusiasm for Nazi ideology.

“By the end of the war they could volunteer for the Waffen SS. And they had an incredibly high casualty rate,” Voth said.

Touring Munich: Notes on the National Socialism Documention Centre


By Thomas Müller of The New Nationalist

Last week I was in Munich and at one point paid a visit to the National Socialism (NS) Documentation Centre. Obviously this is an enormous topic, so this article focuses on my notes of the peace-time period between 1933-1938 in Munich, which was the birthplace the Hitlerian movement.

For 14 years before coming to power in 1933, the NS had been embroiled in an epic political, cultural and social struggle with various leftist factions, including anarcho-communists or anti-fa of the kind showing up in 2017. There were also political opponents among the faux-democracy elements, typically Social Democrats. The Centre did a good job of providing the historical background and documents of the 1918-1933 situation in Munich.

My focus during my visit was on how the NS dealt with political opponents upon coming to power. On March 9-10, 1933, the NS seized control of the police and key parts of the judiciary in Munich. However, in the initial takeover, only 4.5% of Munich’s civil servants were fired. Munich’s government at that point was already right-leaning with some NS in place through earlier democratic processes.

It wasn’t until July 1934 that a larger firing in the Munich civil service was conducted, removing 83 civil servants and 250 city employees. This was mostly a standard spoils system move to reward and place loyal NS.

Consisting of 9.9% of the public service of Germany, Jews at 0.8% of the population were 1250% over-represented. But dismissals were slow to develop even there, with some occurring beginning in July, 1934. The Nuremberg law required Jewish officials to retire as of December 31, 1935. This clean sweep was almost three years after the NS assumed power. In the event that such officials served at the front in the Great War, either for Germany or for her allies, they would receive their full pension.

Roughly half of Munich’s 7000 Jews left the country between 1933-1939. During the war years most of the remainder were interned in Thereseinstadt in Bohemia. Many in turn died in the typhus epidemic that overtook that city in 1945 as supplies ran out and conditions badly deteriorated at the end of the war.

The camp commander gives a speech to prisoners about to be released as part of the pardoning action of Christmas 1933.

During the Munich takeover between March and April 1933, the Gestapo detained and interrogated a list of around a thousand individuals — this in a city of over 800,000 that just experienced a decade and a half of political and social conflict. A hundred Social Democrats and 492 Communist opponents were sent to Dachau as political prisoners. There was a large release of these prisoners at Christmastime 1933.

There were placards at the center of a number of NS opponents that I examined closely to gauge their fates. I then followed up online to get their stories. The results were revealing and not at all what I expected.

A number of them left Germany undisturbed before and after the March-April “interviews.” The case of communist agitator Karl Stulzel was illustrative. He was roughed up in his March 9 talk with the Gestapo, released, detained several more times at later dates and died of natural causes in Munich in 1944.

Thomas Wimmer, a red-leaning anti-NS Social Democrat who went on to become the mayor of Munich from 1948 to 1960, seemed to mostly be subjected to chats with police or Gestapo throughout the entire 1933-45 period.

The case of Viktoria Hodl was even more revealing. Hodl was a Communist member of the Bavaria Landtag (legislature). Starting in 1933, she was imprisoned at Munich’s Stadelheim for three years. Upon release, she plotted against and resisted the regime until 1944, when she was finally arrested and sentenced to three years in prison. Incredibly, Hodl survived the entire NS period.

Karl Vossler was a professor of linguistics in Munich. He was adamantly anti-NS and tried to openly lobby on behalf of his Jewish colleagues. He wasn’t removed from his position until October 1937 and was never arrested or detained.

There were a dozen or so revenge type killings in 1934 at Dachau. One Erich (Maher- ? my handwriting illegible here) was a notorious anarcho-communist suspected of having blood on his hands. Also there was Fritz Gerlich, who published slurs and compromising sex scandals about NS elites in the Weimar period.

Franz Stenzer was a high ranking Weimar Bavarian official and an influential communist. After the NS came to power he was arrested for organizing an underground resistance. He was killed in Dachau in what the NS maintained was an escape attempt. The narrative today was that he was murdered in cold blood. Allied occupation officials conducted an investigation, but nothing came of it.

There was a chart that showed conviction charges for Dachau imprisonment in this earlier period in question and 95% was for communism and treason. Dachau in 1933-1937 had a capacity of 5000, but rarely had over 3000 inmates.

Suggesting there was rule of law, the first Commandant of Dachau Hilmar Wäckerle was charged with murder and other abuses at the camp and dismissed.

The prison at Stadelheim-Munich had seven executions between 1933-1936 versus hundreds in the war years.

In contrast the Red Terror after the Bolshevik takeovers in Russia and Hungary (1919) involved immediate sweeps and executions of hundreds of thousands.

As the Holocaust Museum states, Jews were not interned at Dachau during this period just for being Jewish: “During the early years relatively few Jews were interned in Dachau, and then usually because they belonged to one of the above groups.”

Of course, the Documentation Centre provided the particulars about various disorganized public boycotts and harassments against Jews and their businesses. Although it was obvious regime change would take place under NS rule, the context was poorly presented. In particular was the worldwide boycott of German goods declared by world Jewish organizations (and against the counsel of German-Jewish organizations) as soon as the NS were in power on March 24, 1933. This new hit on Germany’s economy opened the way for the more radical anti-Semites to demonstrate to the average German that Jews operated as a hostile power.

Subsequent “individual actions” (harassments) against Jews prompted the NS leadership to issue cease-and-desist decrees on Aug. 20, 1935.

The decree of Adolf Hitler on 20 August 1935

Individual actions [against Jews] by members of the NSDAP, its subordinate offices and organizations must cease at once. Whoever hereafter participates in individual actions against Jews, or encourages the same, will be treated in the future as a provocateur, a rebel, and enemy of the State.

The Heinrich Himmler Order on 20 August 1935

  1. I strictly forbid any member of the SS from under­taking individual action against Jews.
  2. As in every issue, the solution of the Jewish question is the concern of the Führer and not of individuals.
  3. Actions contrary to this order, even to the slightest degree, will be punishment with dismissal from the SS.

As I worked my way through the Documentation Centre, there were references to oppression and imprisonment for “asocial” offenses. NS used the term “asocial” a lot as part of their population conditioning. They also used the term “member of the community in good standing” (aka “good German”). In reality, this is little more than an old-school carrots-and-stick system.

And then I came across the numbers: 183 “asocials” were sent to Dachau between 1933-1938. My jaw dropped when we learned that most of these “asocials” were convicted of abusing the generous NS social benefit system. This system had a work requirement condition to qualify. NS was very big on pitching in and contributing via labor of some sort. Those who cheated this requirement were called “work shy.” In other words: welfare frauds. How Nazi of them to crack down.

There was mention of oppression of the Catholic Church. The largest imprisonment of Catholic clergy involved an intensive NS investigation in 1936-37 into pedophilia at Catholic boarding schools and religious houses. Between May 1936 and July 1937 there were 270 prosecutions of monks and priests for sex crimes involving minors.

During the period in question there were small numbers of homosexuals sent to Dachau under the sodomy laws. In reality these were political opponents. The NS had been opposed by groups and organizations of so called “effeminate homosexuals” in the conflict years. Sodomy laws were used as a pretense. NS leadership was more concerned about homosexual ingroups or cliques developing within their own ranks. This was a factor in the Night of the Long Knives purge of SA leader Ernest Roehm in 1934 and his homosexual entourage.

The leading gay activist at the time was the notorious “researcher” and pornographer Adolf Brand. Nearly all of his materials were confiscated, but he was never arrested or imprisoned. (Ooosterhuis and Kennedy).

There was little interest in pursuing “ordinary” non-political homosexuals. Jewish homosexual Gad Beck, Director of Berlin’s Jewish Adult Education Center, also challenges “gay” dogma on the degree to which homosexuals were persecuted in Germany. In his book, An Underground Life: Memoirs of a Gay Jew in Nazi Berlin, Beck claims “There was no problem being a homosexual Jew. “Everyone turned a blind eye to whatever we boys were up to with each other”.

The actor Gustaf Grundgens whose homosexual affairs were as notorious as those of Roehm’s was appointed director of the State Theater. On October 29, 1937, Heinrich Himmler advised that actors and other artists could be arrested for Paragraph 175 offenses only with his personal consent, unless the police caught them in flagrante.

TNN takeaway: Given the reputation of the Nazis for terror and retribution, the fates of their mortal enemies in the peace years was far more benign than I would have ever anticipated before looking over the Documentation Centre. The method used was more about intimidation, persuasion and public pillaring than bloodshed.

For example, 1,500 people were convicted between 1933-1939 of the misdemeanor of “perfidy,” or trash talking the regime or German life. The punishment in the peace years was little more than embarrassment, humiliation and getting your name (aka doxxing) in the newspaper. We see this “shut it down” perfidy charge and doxxing all the time in the modern world being applied against those who don’t toe the line and narrative of (((certain groups))). There is nothing new under the sun.

This softer form of NS gave way to much more brutality and repression under the severe pressure of total war and existential survival. Just as we have documented with the Allied war crimes, the gloves came off [see “Winston Churchill and the Starvation of 4 Million in Bengal” and “The Necessity of Dropping A-Bombs on Japan Was Another Evil Deception“]. There is no way I will deny serious NS wartime crimes and excesses given the evidence. The real lesson of war on a large scale is that the worst criminal elements of all sides emerge. The NS hardly had a monopoly.

Renegade Editor’s Note: Sure, there were serious wartime crimes (many of which were appropriately punished), but the situation was definitely not anything even close to what the jewish movies and history books tell us about.

This article originally appeared on The New Nationalist and was republished here with permission.

National Socialism Stood Against the Evils of Freemasonry


As soon as Hitler came to power in Germany on January 30, 1933 he ordered that several anti-Masonic pamphlets be printed by the government and circulated among the citizenry. Among these official NS documents were: “Annhilation of Freemasonry”, “Freemasonry, Marxism, and Judaism: The Cause of War”, and the “Protocols of the Learned Elders of Zion”.

Guardians of Scandinavia: National Socialism vs Tribalism


A young man discusses why he has come to the conclusion that only National Socialist unity can secure the existence of our people.

National Socialism Set to Music


The Bayreuth Festival symbolises Europe’s centuries old struggle for its existence. Richard Wagner, (1813 – 1883) the great German composer, chose Bayreuth for a number of sound reasons. Primarily, the maestro believed that his unique works should not share the same stage with the music of others. The Bayreuth Festival was destined to showcase only Wagnerian epics.

Attracting funding to finance the project was problematic. The Bayreuth Festival was unlikely to be other than an unfulfilled dream. Finally, the almost estranged King Ludwig II of Bavaria stepped in and provided the necessary resources. Bayreuth theatre was finally opened in August 1876 much to the relief of the great German composer and others who shared his vision. The first performance was Das Rheingold.

Artistically the pioneering venture was a fabulous success. It would be difficult to identify a single head of state, let alone accomplished musician, who failed to make the pilgrimage to the Bayreuth Festival. Unfortunately, the annual event fell short of being a box office success. Rescue was at hand; the doyens of great music and culture were generous. The show goes on and on and on.

Wahnfried was the name given by Richard Wagner to his villa in Bayreuth. The name is a German compound of Wahn (delusion, madness) and Fried (e), (peace, freedom). The house fascia reveals Wagner’s motto Hier wo mein Wähnen Frieden fand, Wahnfried, sei dieses Haus von mir benannt. (Here where my delusions have found peace, let this place be named Wahnfried.)

Siegfried Wagner (1869 – 1930) followed in his father’s footsteps and excelled as both composer and conductor. Siegfried served as artistic director of the Bayreuth Festival from 1908 to 1930. The Bayreuth Festival’s orchestral conductor was the maternal grandson of Franz Liszt. From the Hungarian-born German composer Siegfried received some instruction in harmony.

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Winifred Williams (1897 – 1980) born in Hastings, England, was destined to marry both Siegfried Wagner and the festival of Bayreuth.

It was an unusual destiny for an English-born orphan. Winifred lost both her parents before she was two-years old. The child was initially raised in a number of homes. When she was eight-years old Winifred was embraced by a distant German relative of her mother, Henrietta Karop; her adoptive mum was married to musician Karl Klindworth: Winifred’s adoptive parents were friends of Richard Wagner.

Siegfried Wagner was 45-years of age when on September 22, 1915 he placed the wedding ring on the finger of his 17-year old bride. The couple were to have four children; two sons and two daughters: Wieland (1917 -–1966), Friedelind (1918 -1991), Wolfgang (1919 – 2010) and Verena (born 1920)

After Siegfried Wagner’s passing on in 1930 Winifred Wagner took over the management of the Bayreuth Festival and she maintained the position until the war’s end. Winifred’s respect and admiration of Adolf Hitler over many years developed into a close relationship that many thought might end in marriage.

The Führer, dressed in gala, on the way to the Opera Theatre in Bayreuth.

The spirit of the Bayreuth Festival infused the National Socialist German Workers Party’s (NSDAP). Symbolic of Europe’s traditions, culture, virtues and struggles, Wagnerian epics encapsulated the divine purpose and enduring nobility of National Socialism.

Of Richard Wagner, Adolf Hitler said; “Whoever wants to understand National Socialist Germany must know Wagner.”

During the 1930s until its military defeat in May 1945 the National Socialist religion was universally acclaimed as a harbinger of peace and a force of salvation from collaborating Capitalism and Communism (Bolshevism). Throughout the world, National Socialism was embraced as a religious phenomenon. Adolf Hitler was perceived by many as evidence of the Second Coming.

Adolf Hitler accompanied by the Wagner family. Wolfgang Wagner (second left) with his brother Wieland (right), his mother Winifred at Bayreuth, 1937.

The relationship between the Führer, Winifred Wagner and Richard Wagner’s music is intense. The German President and Chancellor from 1933 to 1940 attended all Bayreuth festivals.

The German leader stayed on average ten days at each Bayreuth festival. However, on the occasion of the 1940 Festival the Führer said: “This year, unfortunately, due to the demands of the war that England does not want to end, I will only remain in Bayreuth today.” The Führer on another occasion said; “In Bayreuth I have lived some of the most beautiful moments of my life.”

At Wagner’s residence, where he has been received as a guest year after year, the poet, artist and visionary enjoyed authentic family life.

Adolf Hitler with Verena and Friedelind Wagner in 1938.

Hitler treated Winifred and Siegfried’s children as family. The siblings knew their mentor and patron as Uncle Adolf. Neither of the Wagner sons would serve in the armed forces. It had already been decided that “Germany could not be allowed to lose Richard Wagner’s heritage on the battlefields.”

August Kubizek was a boyhood friend of Adolf Hitler. Having much in common the teenage idealists were absorbed by great classical music. Their taste however was consumed by the works of the Leipzig born musician, Richard Wagner.

During his short stay in Bayreuth during 1940 the Führer had occasion to meet again his childhood companion. To his friend he entrusted the following words:

Left the young Hitler and to the right Kubizek.

“This war is depriving me of my best years. You know how much I still have to do, what I still want to build. You know better than anyone all those plans that kept me busy from my youth. I have only been able to carry out a small fraction of it. I still have a lot of things to do. Who would if not?”

The Führer, an idealist, poet and lover of the arts, constantly yearned to create a great German social state. He held the view that the pseudo-democratic plutocracies, envious and fearful of someone demonstrating that things can work otherwise, imposed upon him a war of annihilation.

During their youth the two friends shared rooms on the same student floor in Vienna. It was the Führer who at 18 years of age had convinced Kubizek’s father to let his son go to the city and study in the conservatory. This act of wisdom and true friendship changed the life of August Kubizek and allowed the dreamer to fulfil his dream of becoming orchestra director.

Recommended: Odyssey Adolf Hitler: The Remarkable Life of Europe’s Redeemer.

VIDEO: Documentary about the Wagner family, memoirs of contemporaries about the Führer, documentary chronicle about the Festival in Bayreuth.  (German language but perfectly understandable)

Racial Limitations of the Libyan Experiment in Socialist Nationalism


A growing minority of young and educated people living in the European diaspora views one or another form of socialism favorably as an alternative to the dystopian hybrid form of capitalism prevailing at present. Nationally oriented socialist models, in particular, appear to be increasingly attractive. National Socialism as implemented in Hitler’s Germany is the most famous example, of course; but other countries, as with the Bolivarian revolutions recently gone into eclipse in Latin America, have also undertaken reforms designed to redistribute national resource wealth for the benefit of the citizenry.

Colonel Muammar Gaddafi, taking his cue from Arab nationalist titan Gamal Abdel Nasser of Egypt, was similarly inspired to revolutionize the Libyan economy for its people. Building on the modernizations begun by Italian colonizers and British administrators, Gaddafi was remarkably successful in raising his country’s rate of literacy and general standard of living, with socialized health care, education, and utilities far removed from anything experienced by the Bedouin as they existed mere decades previously. Just how far is indicated by the backward state of the country well into the twentieth century:

With eighty percent of the population either nomadic or seminomadic, and only six percent of the total population able to read or write, Libya was a country almost totally bereft of skills. Commentators disagreed on one statistic; some said two Libyans had been to college; others thought the figure should have been four. Whoever was right, Libya was a land forced to rely upon others to run its most basic services. Even justice was dispensed by foreigners. Long after independence, the Libyan Supreme Court comprised two Egyptians, one Briton, and one American.1

Libya’s short-lived Sanusi monarchy, furthermore, was dependent upon the presence of British and American military bases and little interested in fostering the ostensibly independent Libyan people’s autonomy – not that autonomy would have been possible given the country’s rudimentary educational infrastructure:

At its apex sat the King, who held power through the gift of foreign governments. Beneath him were ministers, appointed on the basis of family relationship or tribal affiliation, presiding over ministries staffed by foreigners because there were not enough educated Libyans to operate telephones, man desks, or keep the cashbooks. The schools were largely run by Egyptians, teaching Egyptian history from Egyptian textbooks. The army, navy, and air force – all piddling little outfits presenting no real threat to anyone – wore British uniforms, carried British weapons, and were led by British officers. Farms and businesses were still run by the Italian settlers.

Wherever one looked, the future seemed bleak.2

Gaddafi and entourage display the colors of Libya’s racial rainbow.

The country’s advances under Gaddafi, who took power in a 1969 coup, were nothing short of astounding. If the Libyan example illustrates anything, however, it is that not all socialist nationalisms are created equal, and that the indigenous human resources of a country are crucial. The Jamahiriya’s policy of border enforcement was less than stringent, and as Patrick Cockburn noted in 2011, “Racism against black Africans and Libyans with dark skin has long simmered in Libya. Before the war there were estimated to be a million illegal immigrants in the country, which has a population of six million and a workforce of 1.7 million.”3 In addition to the inherent limitations of Arabs, then, the country also had to cope with swelling numbers of sub-Saharans, toward whom Gaddafi – a man of Pan-Arabist sympathies who was also, however, something of a Pan-Africanist – was famously indulgent. The average Libyan IQ as estimated by Lynn and Vanhanen is 84 – putting the country behind such bastions of brain power as Mexico, Bolivia, Tonga, Cuba, Uzbekistan, and the Philippines4. Given such unenviable genetic infrastructure, it is unlikely that Libya’s rapid progress could have been made without the wealth of the country’s energy resources – nor did the Libyans ever manage to remedy their dependence upon imported intellect.

British writer and politician George Tremlett, who visited Libya and wrote a reasonably sympathetic 1993 book about the country’s national life under Colonel Gaddafi, can hardly be dismissed as a western propagandist when he presents the following pitiful picture of Libyan progress at that time, quoting his conversations with foreign workers on the scene:

“The Libyans are lovely people,” I was told, “but they haven’t a clue … Without foreign workers, their whole economy would fall apart. They can’t master modern technology, which comes unnaturally to them. … They have spent hundreds of millions of dollars importing the finest industrial machinery that you will find anywhere in the world; the range of their equipment is astonishing, but a lot of it is either never used or left in packing cases because they don’t know how to handle it. … They’ve got half-a-million Egyptians in there, working for them – and another seven hundred thousand Arabs from the Sudan, who are given all the dirty, shitty jobs that the Libyans don’t want to touch. … The Libyans are wealthy, but they’re in a mess. No one has ever taught them how to dispose of rubbish, so wherever you go there’s dirt and filth and abandoned cars. … These guys are no threat to anyone, but they’re too proud to admit it. … The truth is they need our help.”5

“These were eyewitnesses talking,” Tremlett emphasizes.

People who had gone where no foreign journalist is allowed, into the oil and gas fields, and the shining new factories built by German, Japanese, and South Korean contractors to enable Libya to manufacture consumer goods. In theory, Libya should be producing its own rather than buying abroad … but, in fact, these factories are at low levels of efficiency, either because the machines are not working; have broken down and cannot be repaired, or lack trained personnel … factories where the future lies in a packing case, just as Libya’s new planes, tanks, and missiles often stand idle in storage sheds because the country cannot produce enough trained technicians to operate their electronics.

Superficially, Libya appears a highly efficient modern state; the most prosperous in Africa. The oil and gas flowing through its desert pipelines have brought the country great wealth. […]

Inside Libya, new towns, schools, and hospitals have been built for its people. Every Libyan has access to education and modern health care, as of right. Housing standards are high … and where once camels trekked for days between oases, Libyan Arab Airways shuttles its passengers by airbus between Ghat, Sebha, Houn, Kufra, and Ghedames and the main cities, Tripoli and Benghazi. Modern telecommunications systems installed by Plessey and Marconi bring together remoter areas in a way that was impossible thirty years ago.6

If the efforts of a few thousand European engineers and skilled workers could do so much to elevate the standard of living of a backward and until-recently nomadic people like the Libyans, imagine what an entire country of Europeans, relieved of its demographic burdens, could do to elevate the lives of its own.

Rainer Chlodwig von K.


  1. Tremlett, George. Gadaffi: The Desert Mystic. New York, NY: Carroll and Graf, 1993, p. 76.
  2. Ibid., p. 83.
  3. Cockburn, Patrick. “‘Libyans Don’t Like People with Dark Skin, But Some Are Innocent’”. The Independent (August 29, 2011):
  4. Lynn, Richard; and Tatu Vanhanen. IQ and the Wealth of Nations. Westport, CT: Praeger, 2002, p. 77.
  5. Tremlett, George. Gadaffi: The Desert Mystic. New York, NY: Carroll and Graf, 1993, pp. 23-24.
  6. Ibid., pp. 24-25.

Originally posted at Aryan Skynet

Switzerland’s Supreme Court: Giving a National Socialist Salute is not a Criminal Act (VERY VERY VERY GOOD!!!)

A decision by Switzerland’s supreme court that giving a NS salute may not always be a criminal act is being met with zionist concern inside and outside the country’s borders.

(The Local)

The ruling made public by the Lausanne-based court involved a man who made the gesture at a rally of nationalists in the canton of Uri on August 8th 2010. The court ruled on appeal that making a “Hitler salute” — lifting an arm up into the air at an angle of 45 degrees with a straight hand — is not punishable unless the person involved is proven to be “spreading racist ideology”.

Otherwise, a person is “free to express a personal sentiment or belief” with the gesture, according to the ruling.

The case concerned a raised-arm motion made by the defendant at Rütli, a mountain meadow on Lake Lucene, where federal government politicians traditionally give speeches to celebrate the Swiss national holiday on August 1st and to commemorate the country’s origins in 1291.

National Socialist groups have disrupted such ceremonies in the past before tighter security measures were put into place.

The incident occurred at a gathering of 150 members of the Swiss nationalist party, held a week after the national day, when the man, who was found guilty by a lower court, was observed publicly making a NS salute for 20 seconds.

Martine Brunschwig Graf, president of the Swiss federal commission against racism, was critical of the top court’s decision.

“The ruling can only mean there is no legal recourse against the Hitler salute,” Brunschwig Graf told the Swiss news agency SDA this week.

A Swiss law, which came into effect in 1995, bans displays of NS symbolism for the purpose of promoting “racist ideology”.

But the federal government has stopped short of banning the NS salute and the swastika symbol as neighbouring countries such as Austria and Germany have done.

The Swiss court ruling makes it difficult for some one who makes a NS salute or shouts “Heil Hitler” to be accused of “propagating a racist ideology”, Hans Stutz, a journalist who covers nationalist groups told the ATS news agency.

Stutz warned that more frequent use of Hitler salutes is to be expected from such groups, given the difficulty in convicting someone under the current laws.

Marcel Niggli, professor of law at the University of Fribourg, told ATS the term “propagation” is moreover, deliberately imprecise.

To display a NS symbol, for example, is not considered in itself to be propagating an ideology, Niggli said.

The Tablet, an online magazine about Jewish news, ideas and culture from the US, called the court’s distinction about kinds of Hitler salutes “a rather small technicality, considering the instantaneous associations most people presumably make upon seeing a Nazi salute being performed.”

The Voice of Russia in covering the Swiss court decision noted on its website that a NS salute is regarded as “Nazi propaganda” that can be punishable by Russian law to a jail term of up to 15 days.

The Kremlin press service noted this week that Russian President Vladimir Putin has signed a bill making attempts to “whitewash Nazism” punishable by hefty fines and prison terms.

SS Culture: Beauty


This excerpt is translated from an original SS publication. 

Because there was so much talk about art, there may be many who only still read this somewhat bored with these things. Art, they figure, is a matter of exhibitions, something for those people with enough money to hang greats works in the residences.

If that were the case, the Führer would have never needed to so sharply combat the Jewish danger in these spiritual spheres.

What is, namely, expressed in works of art, that comes from the heart and goes to the heart. But it is very decisive what a folk feels in its heart to be beautiful, above all what the young folk yearns for as an ideal, because, namely, love and mate selection are directly decided by these feelings.

Available for $10 at Third Reich Books

Let us return to the old times and present to men from the most diverse folks across the world women who, in their respective times, had a resemblance to the image of the Madonna. If we wanted to choose as Germans, probably only the light, tall, clear figures among the women would appeal to us. In reality, however, each Negro would choose his black woman, each Chinaman his slant-eyed, the Hottentot the woman with the plate-shaped mouth lips and the Fiji-Islander the one with the filed teeth.

The same thing occurs – although in a more fine form, but just as decisively – year after year among the youth of a folk, who come together in the bond for life. Even through in certain strata and in earlier times property, class and religious denomination have played a certain role – in the end marriages are always sealed with the heart.

But how concepts of beauty, ability, manliness (for after all, women, too, have an ideal of the man they seek) get into the heart, whether they are inborn or smuggled in by cunning – the loving heart no longer asks about that. And the misfortune follows its course. In the daily life of marriage and in the struggle of life those deceptive signs pale, on which the living heart once clung. The genuinely blood-determined foundations of a person come to the surface, are daily revealed as wishes, views and actions and can never be suppressed by reason. So shatters the happiness in marriage, so collapses the basic cell of the folk, so is a folk destroyed from the inside out, so triumphs the Jew!

Let us be clear that we have indeed recognized this danger, that we have put an end to the miserable work of these pestilence carriers, but that this poison still circulates in our folk body and in its thousand little expressions must be fought a million-fold.

And it is especially up to each SS-man to be watchful here – in the folk and first of all in his own heart.

Top 10 Surviving National Socialist Built Buildings

The NS government under Adolf Hitler saw architecture as a means of imposing respect. Adolf Hitler, like many Germans, had an admiration of the ancient world, especially Greece and Rome. In a time when art was changing rapidly, he deemed the avant-garde movement as degenerate.

(War History Online)

Together with his chief architect, Albert Speer, Hitler revived a conservative, monolithic architectural style that impressed and scared many at the same time. The Thousand-Year-Reich was to be demonstrated through the aesthetics of these structures, which showed Hitler’s power within Germany.

Even though many of these buildings never survived the war, some were spared the destruction, to remain as reminders of the National Socialism, or to be put to use once again. In this list, we will concentrate on some of those structures that are still present today.

10. Olympiastadion

Left – The Olympics, 1936, By Bundesarchiv, B 145; Right top – The Olympic Stadium, 2010,By Wolfgang26 – Own work, CC BY-SA 3.0; Right bottom – The overview of the stadium in 1936, By Bundesarchiv

The home of the 1936 Olympics ever to take place in history was built on the foundation of the Deutsche Stadion in the Grunewald Forrest. The Summer Olympics in Berlin were scheduled in 1916, long before Hitler came to power, but they were postponed until 1936 due to World War I and the economic crisis. Hitler saw the opportunity to stage a great propaganda event that would prove German superiority and align the German people as the successors to the Greek tradition.

The architects of the stadium were Albert and Werner March, the sons of Otto March who was supposed to handle the project before Hitler’s chancellorship. Construction took place from 1934 to 1936. When the Olympiastadion was finished, it was 1.32 square kilometres (326 acres).

It consisted of (east to west): the Olympiastadion, the Maifeld (Mayfield, capacity of 50,000) and the Waldbühne amphitheater (capacity of 25,000), in addition to various places, buildings and facilities for different sports (such as football, swimming, equestrian events, and field hockey) in the northern part.

The stadium and the Games that took place in 1936 were depicted in a 1938 documentary film by Leni Riefenstahl, titled Olympia. Today, the building is the home of the Hertha BSC football club.

9. Olympic Village

Left top: A bas-relief of marching German soldiers in the village, by Roger Allen; Right Bottom: The Olympic village in 1936, Wikipedia / Bundesarchiv CC-BY-SA 3.0 B 145; Left – The swimming pool, By Roger Allen

In addition to the giant stadium, an Olympic village was built in 1934. It is located at Estal in Wustermark, on the western edge of Berlin. The site, which was 30 kilometres (19 mi) from the centre of the city, consisted of one and two-floor dormitories, dining areas, a swimming pool, and training facilities. It housed around 4,000 athletes from all over the world during the Summer Olympics. During the Second World War, it was used as a hospital for injured Wehrmacht soldiers.

In 1945, it was taken over by the Soviet Union and became a military camp of the Union occupation forces. Some sources claim that the village has been used as a KGB torture facility. Recent efforts have been made to restore parts of the former village, but to no avail. Efforts are being made to restore the site into a living museum. The dormitory building used by half-negroid Jesse Owens has been fully restored, and tours are given daily to small groups and students.

8. Prora Holiday Resort

Prora Beach Resort in 2011, By Wikipedia / Bundesarchiv CC-BY-SA 3.0

Prora is a beach resort located on the island of Rugen, Germany. It was built as part of the Strenght through Joy project in the period between 1936 and 1939. The Strenght through Joy was a large-scale, state-operated leisure organization in Germany that promoted the advantages of National Socialism. In the 1930s, it became the largest tourism operator in the world.

Prora beach resort was designed by Clemens Klotz, who won a design competition organized by Hitler and Speer. More than 9,000 workers were involved in the project. The central building was 4,5 km long and it was located 150 meters away from the coastline. It included eight housing blocks, swimming pools, and a cinema theatre and it was supposed to house 20,000 guests at once.

The construction was interrupted because of the war. During the war, it was used as a refugee asylum and an auxiliary female personnel resort. After the war, it ended up on the Soviet side of the Iron Curtain. First, it became an Army Base for the Soviets and later, as the East German Army was founded in 1956, the beach resort was used for housing some its units. It still stands today, on the island of Rugen, relatively preserved, but without further use.

7.  Flak Towers

Left: Vienna Tower at Augarten; Centre: G-Tower Vienna; Right: The Construction of a Flak Tower in Berlin, 1942, All images by Wikipedia / Bundesarchiv CC-BY-SA 3.0

Flak Towers were structures made of concrete that were used for anti-aircraft defense and as civilian shelters during bombing raids in Germany and Austria. In Berlin, 3 were built, 2 had survived the war and are still standing today.

Another 3 were built in Vienna. The L-Tower and the tower near the Obere Augartenstrasse survived to this day. In Hamburg, two of the flak towers remained partially.

The towers proved to be almost indestructible, so there was never a large-scale initiative for their demolishment. Several were destroyed after the war, but the ones that remained were turned into restaurants, nightclubs, and music shops. Some of them were simply abandoned, but they remain as  testaments of much brighter times.

6. NS Party Rally Grounds

Left: Congress Hall, 2009; Right Nazi Party Rally, 1936, Images Wikipedia / Bundesarchiv CC-BY-SA 3.0

Reichsparteitagsgelände or the NSDAP Rally Grounds covered an area of 11 square miles, just outside of Nuremberg. It was the home of NSDAP public meetings, where Adolf Hitler made his most inflammatory speeches. The entire complex consisted of many structures, some of which built before the National Socialism, like the Luitpold Hall and the Hall of Honour (which was initially built to honor the soldiers from Nuremberg who died during WWI).

The largest and best-preserved building that remains today is the Congress Hall. The foundation stone was laid in 1935, but it was never finished. It was planned by the Nuremberg architects Ludwig and Franz Ruff. It was intended to serve as a congress centre for the NSDAP with a self-supporting roof and should have provided 50,000 seats. It was located on the shore of and in the pond Dutzendteich and marked the entrance of the rally grounds.

The building reached a height of 39 m (128 ft) (a height of 70 m was planned) and a diameter of 250 m (820 ft). The building is mostly built out of clinker with a facade of granite panels. The design (especially the outer facade, among other features) is inspired by the Colosseum in Rome.

5. Haus der Kunst

Haus der Kunst, 2014, By Meister Eiskaltpanorama: Pölkkyposkisolistiderivative works

The House of Art in Munich ― Hitler’s own shrine to his aesthetic ideals that condemned the Degenerate art through an inaugural exhibition titled “The Great German Art Exhibition” that occurred on 18 July 1937. The building was designed by Paul Ludwig Troost and it is considered to be the first monumental example of NS architecture.

Troost was Hitler’s favorite architect (besides from Speer, of course) whose neoclassical designs were completely compatible with the dictator’s vision of the future of architecture. Haus der Kunst was built in a period between 1933 and 1937. In 1939, it hosted the celebration of 2,000 years of German culture ― a celebration that involved thousands of actors and an incredibly expensive scenery.

After the war, it was turned into an American officer mess hall. Later, the building was returned to its initial purpose, as it houses several regular exhibitions. The basement of the museum was turned into a nightclub that is considered to be Munich’s most famous high-society destination.

4. Ministry of Aviation

Left: The Detlev-Rohwedder Haus, today; Right: The construction in 1935, By Hans G. Oberlack – Own work, CC BY-SA 3.0, (first picture), By Wikipedia / Bundesarchiv CC-BY-SA 3.0 (second picture)

Detlev-Rohwedder Haus was the largest office space in the world when it was constructed in 1936. The building is most famous for housing the Ministry of Aviation of The Third Reich. It was designed by Ernst Sagebiel, a prominent architect that was also responsible for the reconstruction design of the Tempelhof airport. The Detlev Rohwedder Haus was described as “in the typical style of National Socialist intimidation architecture”, due to its gigantic size.

It comprised a reinforced concrete skeleton with an exterior facing of limestone and travertine (a form of marble). With its seven storeys and total floor area of 112,000 sqm, 2,800 rooms, 7 km (4 mi) of corridors, over 4,000 windows, 17 stairways, and with the stone coming from no fewer than 50 quarries, the vast building served the growing bureaucracy of the Luftwaffe, plus Germany’s civil aviation authority which was also located there. Yet it took only 18 months to build, the army of labourers working double shifts and Sundays. The first 1,000 rooms were handed over in October 1935 after just eight months’ construction. When finally completed, 4,000 bureaucrats and their secretaries were employed within its walls.

Today it houses the Federal German Ministry of Finance.

3. Keroman Submarine base

First and last bottom image by Wikipedia / Bundesarchiv CC-BY-SA 3.0, Top image by Maelor; Middle bottom images by XIIIfromTOKYO – Own work and Anke Laubscher / Deutsches Atlantikwall Archiv / Köln CC BY 2.0 de

In 1940, Grand Admiral Karl Donitz needed a base of operations on the French shores of the Atlantic Ocean. The notorious Keroman Submarine base became the starting point of numerous U-Boat operations, especially the ones targeting Allied supply convoys during the U-Boat Happy Days.

In the period between February 1941 and January 1942, three gigantic reinforced concrete buildings were erected on the Keroman peninsula, near the French town of Lorient. The base was capable of sheltering thirty submarines under cover.

Although Lorient was heavily damaged by Allied bombing raids, this naval base survived through to the end of the war. Lorient was held until May 1945 by the Nazi German army though surrounded by the American Army; the Germans refused to surrender. The structures were so difficult to damage, that the Allies decided to flatten the town of Lorient instead, thus cutting the base from its main supply line.

After the liberation of France, the base was used by the French Navy and it was renamed Base Ingénieur Général Stosskopf in July 1946. It was dedicated to Jacques Stosskopf, an Alsatian German who was one of the main engineers on the project, working as a mole for the French resistance. Stosskopf was the main source of intelligence data about the base and its operations, throughout the war. The base was abandoned by the French Navy in 1997 and it serves as a tourist location to this day.

2. NS Ordensburg

Left: Vogelsand by Dickbauch~commonswiki CC BY-SA 3.0; Right top: Krossensee by Wikipedia / Bundesarchiv CC-BY-SA 3.0; Right Bottom: Sonthofen by Eigenes Werk, gemeinfrei (public domain) Stefan Bremer – Own work.

Soon as the National Socialists took power in Germany, their megalomaniac leader wanted to make sure that the education system provides a constant flow of loyal party members. NS Ordensburg is a common name for three remote castle-like schools that were supposed to educate the future party leaders. The first one was built in 1934, Ordensburg Sonthofen in Allgau, following the design of Hermann Giesler.

The school nurtured the elite status, as it enrolled only trustworthy candidates who were of “pure blood”, between 25 and 30 years of age, mentally and physically fit and already members of some sort of NS organization, whether it was the SS, Hitler Youth or the NSDAP itself. Besides from Sonthofen, the other two Ordensburg schools were Vogelsang in Eifel and Krossinsee in Pomerania. All schools were equipped with the state-of-art technology, sports gymnasiums, cinemas and other commodities.

With the fall of the Third Reich, the schools were used for other purposes. All three castles were used for military purposes after the war in the countries that inherited them ― Sonthofen for the German Bundeswehr, Vogelsang for the Belgian Armed Forces and Krossinsee was left for the Polish. Today, only Krossinsee is still in military use, serving as the headquarters of the Polish Army’s 2nd Battalion and 12th Tank Brigade. The other two castles are turned into tourist attractions and are marked as historic sites.

1. Eagle’s Nest

Left: Kehlnsteinhaus By Wolfgang Manousek from Dormagen, Germany; Right: By U.S. Army soldier in occupied Germany – From the family collection of an acquaintance, uploaded and used here by permission.

Kehlsteinhaus, or as the Allies called it “The Eagle’s Nest,” was built atop of the Kehlsteinhaus summit that rises above Obersalzberg in the Bavarian Alps. It was Hitler’s luxurious refuge, which was presented to him on his 50th birthday. Talk about a surprise party. The complex was commissioned by Martin Bormann 1937 and the entire endeavour was paid by the NSDAP.

The large house on the top of the mountain also includes an underground tunnel with an elevator that leads to a large parking lot, 124 metres bellow. Its construction cost about 150 million euros in today’s standards and 12 workers lost their lives building it. The interior was decorated by the famous Hungarian-born architect and designer, Paul Laszlo. Benito Mussolini donated a large fireplace made of red marble as a token of appreciation.

On May 4, 1945, by the members of the 101st Airborne division, who, together with elements of the French 2nd Armored Division, conquered Hitler’s famous mountain resort. Today the building is owned by a charitable trust and serves as a restaurant offering indoor dining and an outdoor beer garden. It is a popular tourist attraction to those who are attracted by the historical significance of the “Eagle’s Nest”.